Nationalism & Internationalism

Europe's economic and foreign policy government

Herman van Rompuy is not known as a charismatic politician but, if you have time to read it, he gave a very thoughtful speech yesterday at the College of Europe in Bruges.

In it, he talks about the role of the European Council (rather than the Eurozone ministers or the Parliament) as Europe's nascent "economic government", and the difficulty of creating co-ordinated foreign policy among 27 state actors with different histories and outlooks.

On economics and the eurozone, van Rompuy said:

Tea for one. White, please.

The libertarian Freedom Association is holding a Tea Party at the Conservative Spring Conference in Brighton this weekend, modelled on the American anti-tax grassroots movement. If you are interested in going along, the event is open to the public.

Not backwards to the Greeks, forward with the Greeks

Tomorrow, I'll have time - I hope - to write something longer about the democratic implications of the Greek bailout, and any conditions that are imposed on Greece in consequence of its financial position and Euro membership.

Nelson Mandela's release: 20 years on

As the anniversaries roll around, we're constantly reminded how world-changing the years 1989-91 were, comparable with 1848 or 1789.

Today's anniversary is of the release of Nelson Mandela. Some links for those who want to explore more, or bring back the memories:

Pretending to control interest rates

Conservative Home has the highlights of David Cameron's interview with the Express this morning.

One of the points Mr Cameron makes is that he will never allow the UK to join the Euro. He says:

"I was in the Treasury when we were in the Exchange Rate mechanism, and I said to myself: “Never again should we give up control of our domestic interest rates.” If I am Prime Minister and for as long as I would be Prime Minister, I would never take Britain into the euro, full stop, end of story."

This is an odd statement, not because of its dogmatic certainty (he is talking to the Daily Express, after all) but because when Mr Cameron worked for Norman Lamont, the Chancellor did control domestic interest rates. Since interest-rate powers are now with the Bank of England, Prime Minister Cameron will not be able to control them.

Eurabia: No such thing

The Brookings' Institution's Justin Vaïsse takes apart the Eurabia myth in this excellent short piece inForeign Policy. He points out the concept's stylistic links to fear of "Eurocommunism" in the 50s and general anti-European and anti-internationalist sentiments on the American right, and correctly positions Melanie Phillips as "on the fringe far right" in European debate. Here's some of the good stuff:
If these books insist so much on the future

Those evil foreigns again

I have been a bit surprised by the number of comments coming in on an old post of mine on the Kercher trial, which has just concluded in Perugia. I commented on British coverage of the trial when it kicked off in February, noting the tendency of the British press to assume that trials in other countries (even their beloved USA) are inherently unfair, and doomed to condemn an innocent Brit to a rat-in

A day to remember

Today is a day to remember - I'm serious. Here's Dan Hannan, MEP, on his blog this morning:
Britain is no longer a sovereign nation.

China and participatory democracy

Will the next fifty years be peaceful or war-torn? The climate change negotiations in Copenhagen have a big part to play in that, but another determining factor is the political direction of China. As China becomes more wealthy, and its people become more protective of their property and their rights, will the People's Republic transform itself into something more democratic, or will it drive towards repression? At the moment, the government's rhetorical approach is to push every sort of democracy other than the sort that involves them losing power.

Europe's birthers

Charlemagne on his blog, says:
What are British voters meant to hear [from William Hague's remarks about loss of British vetoes today]? The same thing that Czech voters are meant to hear [from Pres Klaus's statement on signing the treaty]. That something very grave—the loss of Czech sovereignty, the “loss of British national vetoes” has taken place—but that their political leaders are powerless to prevent it.
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